Author by: John Mueller Language: en Publisher by: University of Chicago Press Format Available: PDF, ePub, Mobi Total Read: 34 Total Download: 482 File Size: 51,9 Mb Description: The Persian Gulf crisis may well have been the most extensively polled episode in U.S. History as President Bush, his opponents, and even Saddam Hussein appealed to, and tried to influence, public opinion. As well documented as this phenomenon was, it remains largely unexplained. John Mueller provides an account of the complex relationship between American policy and public opinion during the Gulf crisis. Mueller analyzes key issues: the actual shallowness of public support for war; the effect of public opinion on the media (rather than the other way around); the use and misuse of polls by policy makers; the American popular focus on Hussein's ouster as a central purpose of the War; and the War's short-lived impact on voting. Of particular interest is Mueller's conclusion that Bush succeeded in leading the country to war by increasingly convincing the public that it was inevitable, rather than right or wise. Throughout, Mueller, author of War, Presidents, and Public Opinion, an analysis of public opinion during the Korean and Vietnam wars, places this analysis of the Gulf crisis in a broad political and military context, making comparisons to wars in Panama, Vietnam, Korea, and the Falklands, as well as to World War II and even the War of 1812.
The book also collects nearly 300 tables charting public opinion through the Gulf crisis, making Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War an essential reference for anyone interested in recent American politics, foreign policy, public opinion, and survey research. Author by: Kenneth Osgood Language: en Publisher by: Alan B. Larkin Series on the A Format Available: PDF, ePub, Mobi Total Read: 99 Total Download: 400 File Size: 53,6 Mb Description: 'Asks whether it is ever possible for a president to nudge the nation toward war without lying. And if he does, is it sometimes all right? Most of these authors would vote no.'
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-Columbia Journalism Review 'It was a pleasant and poignant surprise to find an afterword written by the late David Halberstam, one of the best reporter-historians of the last century. It may be his last major piece of writing. It is an appropriate way to wind up the collection, because his words are a sobering reminder that the press is important yet not all-powerful in a democracy. Presidents long ago mastered the tools at their disposal to achieve policy ends.' -American Journalism 'American history at its best-insightful and revealing about the past, yet at the same time illuminating the vital questions of our own day.'
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Engel, Texas A&M University George W. Bush's 'Mission Accomplished' banner in 2003 and the misleading linkages of Saddam Hussein to the 9/11 terrorist attacks awoke many Americans to the techniques used by the White House to put the country on a war footing. Yet Bush was simply following in the footsteps of his predecessors, as the essays in this standout volume reveal in illuminating detail. Written in a lively and accessible style, Selling War in a Media Age is a fascinating, thought-provoking, must-read volume that reveals the often-brutal ways that the goal of influencing public opinion has shaped how American presidents have approached the most momentous duty of their office: waging war. Kenneth Osgood, associate professor of history at Florida Atlantic University, is the author of Total Cold War: Eisenhower's Secret Propaganda Battle at Home and Abroad, winner of the Herbert Hoover Book Award. Frank, associate professor of history at Florida State University, is the author of Creeks and Southerners: Biculturalism on the Early American Frontier.
A volume in the Alan B. Larkin Series on the American Presidency, edited by Kenneth Osgood. Author by: Jon Western Language: en Publisher by: JHU Press Format Available: PDF, ePub, Mobi Total Read: 35 Total Download: 997 File Size: 41,9 Mb Description: Selling Intervention and War examines the competition among foreign policy elites in the executive branch and Congress in winning the hearts and minds of the American public for military intervention.
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I predict that you'll get an error that says something like 'command not found'. I upgraded my windows and reinstalled Android studio 0.3.2. I am using windows8.1 Pro now and installed java x64, I also did set up JAVA_HOME EV to C: Program Files Java jdk1.7.0_45 and Android studio is installed in D: Android Stutio When I try to run my project I get the Following Error Cannot run program 'C: Program Files (x86) Java jdk1.7.0_40 bin java' (in directory 'D: Android Stutio system compile-server'): CreateProcess error=2, The system cannot find the file specified Android studio is installed in D: Android Stutio How to fix this one.
The book studies how the president and his supporters organize campaigns for public support for military action. According to Jon Western, the outcome depends upon information and propaganda advantages, media support or opposition, the degree of cohesion within the executive branch, and the duration of the crisis. Also important is whether the American public believes that military threat is credible and victory plausible. Not all such campaigns to win public support are successful; in some instances, foreign policy elites and the president and his advisors have to back off. Western uses several modern conflicts, including the current one in Iraq, as case studies to illustrate the methods involved in selling intervention and war to the American public: the decision not to intervene in French Indochina in 1954, the choice to go into Lebanon in 1958, and the more recent military actions in Grenada, Somalia, Bosnia, and Iraq. Selling Intervention and War is essential reading for scholars and students of U.S. Foreign policy, international security, the military and foreign policy, and international conflict.
Author by: Rosalee A. Clawson Language: en Publisher by: CQ Press Format Available: PDF, ePub, Mobi Total Read: 67 Total Download: 763 File Size: 55,8 Mb Description: In this revision of their lauded Public Opinion: Democratic Ideals, Democratic Practice, Rosalee A. Clawson and Zoe M. Oxley continue to link the enduring normative questions of democratic theory to the best empirical research on public opinion. Exploring the tension between ideals and their practice, each chapter focuses on exemplary studies so that students gain a richer understanding of key findings and the research process as well as see methods applied in context. Author by: Steven Casey Language: en Publisher by: Oxford University Press on Demand Format Available: PDF, ePub, Mobi Total Read: 51 Total Download: 848 File Size: 53,9 Mb Description: The Korean War occupies a unique place in American history and foreign policy. Because it followed closely after World War II and ushered in a new era of military action as the first hot conflict of the cold war, the Korean War was marketed as an entirely new kind of military campaign.
But how were the war-weary American people convinced that the limited objectives of the Korean War were of paramount importance to the nation?In this ground-breaking book, Steven Casey deftly analyzes the Truman and Eisenhower administrations' determined efforts to shape public discourse about the war, influence media coverage of the conflict, and gain political support for their overall approach to waging the Cold War, while also trying to avoid inciting a hysteria that would make it difficult to localize the conflict. The first in-depth study of Truman's and Eisenhower's efforts to garner and sustain support for the war, Selling the Korean War weaves a lucid tale of the interactions between the president and government officials, journalists, and public opinion that ultimately produced the twentieth century concept of limited war.It has been popularly thought that the public is instinctively hostile towards any war fought for less than total victory, but Casey shows that limited wars place major constraints on what the government can say and do. He also demonstrates how the Truman administration skillfully rededicated and redefined the war as it dragged on with mounting casualties. Using a rich array of previously untapped archival resources-including official government documents, and the papers of leading congressmen, newspaper editors, and war correspondents-Casey's work promises to be the definitive word on the relationship between presidents and public opinion during America's 'forgotten war.' Author by: Helene Dieck Language: en Publisher by: Springer Format Available: PDF, ePub, Mobi Total Read: 34 Total Download: 656 File Size: 45,5 Mb Description: Based on interviews with political decision-makers involved in post-Cold War case studies, this research reassesses the prevalent conclusion in the academic literature, according to which American public opinion has limited influence on military interventions, by including the level of commitment in the study of the decision-making process.
Author by: John Mueller Language: en Publisher by: University of Chicago Press Format Available: PDF, ePub, Mobi Total Read: 23 Total Download: 997 File Size: 45,6 Mb Description: The Persian Gulf crisis may well have been the most extensively polled episode in U.S. History as President Bush, his opponents, and even Saddam Hussein appealed to, and tried to influence, public opinion. As well documented as this phenomenon was, it remains largely unexplained. John Mueller provides an account of the complex relationship between American policy and public opinion during the Gulf crisis.
Mueller analyzes key issues: the actual shallowness of public support for war; the effect of public opinion on the media (rather than the other way around); the use and misuse of polls by policy makers; the American popular focus on Hussein's ouster as a central purpose of the War; and the War's short-lived impact on voting. Of particular interest is Mueller's conclusion that Bush succeeded in leading the country to war by increasingly convincing the public that it was inevitable, rather than right or wise.
Throughout, Mueller, author of War, Presidents, and Public Opinion, an analysis of public opinion during the Korean and Vietnam wars, places this analysis of the Gulf crisis in a broad political and military context, making comparisons to wars in Panama, Vietnam, Korea, and the Falklands, as well as to World War II and even the War of 1812. The book also collects nearly 300 tables charting public opinion through the Gulf crisis, making Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War an essential reference for anyone interested in recent American politics, foreign policy, public opinion, and survey research. Author by: Warren P. Strobel Language: en Publisher by: US Institute of Peace Press Format Available: PDF, ePub, Mobi Total Read: 64 Total Download: 306 File Size: 42,6 Mb Description: The influence of the media - particularly the 'CNN effect' - has dramatically changed the way foreign-policy decisions are made. But just how deep is the change?
Warren Strobel provides riveting behind-the-scenes accounts of recent peace operations in Bosnia, Rwanda, Somalia, Haiti, and northern Iraq. He describes the conditions in which the media have the greatest, and the least, influence, and offers recommendations to civilian and military leaders on building and maintaining public support in an age of intense media scrutiny.
Be very hesitant to send American soldiers to war, so that they would only do it when there's a very good reason. Most people do have the good sense to know that war is a very bad thing. Strangeloves have turned that healthy instinct on its head.
In PentagonThink, Americans will only object to war if there are a lot of American casualties. The way you minimize American casualties is to rely heavily on long-range firepower and, especially, air power. Even though doing that may wind up blowing civilians away by the tens of thousands in the enemy country, thereby severely undermining the prospects for a quick resolution of a war like the one in Iraq. But, the thinking goes, this is 'minimizing casualties', i.e., American casualties, the only ones that supposedly count.
That then ensures broad public support for the war because people only oppose war when there are American casualties. And since the American military is invincible, the 'center of gravity', i.e., the only weakness, of the American military is the loss of public support. So, use heavy airpower and artillery, you minimize American casualties, the American public supports the war and our invincible generals can't avoid winning. That way, you can have more wars because the public will support them. The ct that normal people dislike war becomes a good reason to have more wars!
Ith thinking like this, is it any wonder that our infallible generals lost the Iraq War? Is al scientist's nalysis of hard quantitative polling data, a social scientist's wet dream. Vely had nothing whatsoever to do with the outcome of the 1968 residential election.
En ured what tant to people, which would have provided quantitative isconfirmation. En an economist would see the problem ith that result. But the numbers don't lie, right?
The same problem of letting the false concreteness of olling numbers cloud the results. Has become a frequently-cited ideological justification for this peace-is-war goofball theory. Which ironic in a way, because Mueller's book is on the surface a careful politic a The problem with quantitative data, though, is that it can be seductively misleading. One of the two things I remember most from a forecasting class I took in graduate school was arguing with the professor about a statistical regression model for Presidential elections that relied heavily on economic statistics for its predictions, which proved conclusi that the Vietnam War P The other thing I most remember from his class was his first rule of forecasting: if a forecast looks wrong, it probably is. In this case, the retroactive forecast was a test of the model to make sure it was using accurate predictive assumptions. But anyone with ev the most superficial knowledge of the 1968 election could see the problem with that result. There was also extensive public opinion (marketing) data that meas issues were impor d The other problem with the result was that it showed clearly that Hubert Humphrey was elected President in 1968.
You might think that ev w Mueller's results suffer in part from p Mueller's focus was comparing the public opinion polls on the Korean War and the Vietnam War. His conclusion that is grist for the mill of the war planners who want to minimize public opposition to war by maximizing the death and destruction on the Other Side is the one that says that public opposition to wars is driven by the rise in American casualties, period. He restated that result more recently in a much-cited article in.
My basic reaction to this is, hmmm, let's see. As a war goes on month after month and year after year and casualties mount, it becomes less popular. He then continues: The only thing remarkable about the current war in Iraq is how precipitously American public support has dropped off. Casualty for casualty, support has declined far more quickly than it did during either the Korean War or the Vietnam War. And if history is any indication, there is little the Bush administration can do to reverse this decline. Now, support has dropped off for the Iraq War more quickly than for the Korean and Vietnam Wars, even though casualties are not perceived as being so severe. That makes me think that the American public may be applying other standards of judgment than simply counting American casualties.
To me, that's also a 'Well, duh!' But Mueller finds that result 'remarkable'. I see two basic possibilities for this.
Korean War Public Opinion
Alonso y finn fisica pdf. One is that his findings and the resulting generalization derived from it, that mounting American casualties and only that make people turn against a war, are so strongly established that the Iraq War must have something about it that makes it a radical exception. The other possibility is that the simple-minded conclusion that American casualties and only American casualties drive public opinion about war is somehow deficient. I'm betting on the latter. Here's the nitty-gritty political science version from the 1973 book, with the key table thrown in as a bonus. Don't feel bad if you feel a blurry feeling in your brain as you look at this; it's perfectly natural. These concerns can be incorporated into the analysis by seeking to relate popular support for the wars to the.
Of the total number of American casualties that had been suffered at the time of the poll. That is, one assumes that the public is sensitive to relatively small losses at the start of the war but only to rather large ones toward its end. Specifically, one does not expect casualties to affect attitudes in a linear manner with a rise from 100 to 1000 being the same as one from 10,000 to 10,900. Rather, a rise from 100 to 1000 is taken as the same as one from 10,000 to 100,000. Thus the distance between the numbers, 10, 100, 1000, 10,000, 100,000 and 1,000,000 is made equal.
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This sort of a transformation is applied for Table 3.4 and the result is a set of equations suggesting strikingly similar drops in popular support for the two wars.